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Discrimination Rears Its Ugly Head in the World,
Again!
By Curtis FJ Doebbler
Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, December 8, 2011
For decades the apartheid regime in South Africa subjected the
majority of South Africans to insidious discrimination that had no basis in
global morality or international law. The minority whites merely thought the
black South Africans were inferior. The white South Africans did not
try to exterminate their black compatriots, instead they merely ensured that
blacks laboured to maintain the standards of living of the white population.
Apartheid in South Africa was one of the greatest scourges to ever
confront humankind. The inhumanity of apartheid focused international
attention on the struggle to end racial discrimination. International
treaties emphasized government's commitments to end apartheid in every
aspect of daily life, including sports. The black people of South
Africa were, however, the individuals and communities that were finally able
to overcome apartheid, through their own blood, sweat and tears they
overcame odds stacked against them by the poverty, disease, and violence to
which they were subjected. A centre of their struggle was the Natal
province and particularly its capital city Durban. Just short of the 25th
anniversary of the defeat of apartheid in South Africa, Durban is again at
the centre of aa struggle against discrimination for the humanity's future.
The Conference of the Parties of the United Nations Framework Convention on
Climate Change (UNFCCC and COP17) and its Kyoto Protocol (CMP7) are meeting
in Durban to confront a new kind of discrimination. Instead of being
confined to the people of one country, the discrimination related to climate
change pits about one seventh of the earth's population against the other
85% of the people in the world. The 15% percent living mainly in the rich
developed countries of the North seek to maintain the advantages they have
gained by over two hundred years of over-exploitation of our planet's
atmosphere. By doing so the 15% seek to subject the other 85% to a future of
chronic under-development and in some cases poverty, disease, and unbearable
environmental catastrophes. Like the South African apartheid
leaders, many of the 15% who seek impose this discriminatory double standard
of existence refuse to admit that they are doing anything wrong. Some, for
example, the United Kingdom's international development secretary Mr. Andrew
Mitchell even boasts to the Financial Times about how well the UK is
treating the poorer 85% by maintaining their commitment to provide 0.7% of
national income to foreign aid to poor countries. Mitchell is silent about
the fact that at the same time the UK is also failing to meet its
obligations it undertook by ratifying UNFCCC in 1992, or more recently the
Kyoto Protocol in 2005, or even more recently the pledges it made in
December 2009 to provide new and additional funding to developing countries
to help them to deal with climate change. While the British are
relatively apologetic about their discriminatory treatment of the 85%, other
countries including the United States and Japan are less so. These two
countries are among a handful of countries who have declared that they will
not cut emissions unless developing countries also do so. In principle this
sounds like a sound argument of treating all people equally. The problem is,
however, that after two centuries of discriminatory treatment, treating
developing countries the same as developed countries merely compounds the
past discrimination. Even the US Supreme Court has recognized in
relation to minorities, blacks, and women, sometimes treating equally people
who have been discriminated against for long periods of time merely
perpetuates or at least does not adequately address a history of
discrimination. Sometimes affirmative action is necessary. In fact,
affirmative action is exactly what the legally binding UNFCCC calls for in
paragraph 1 of article 3 by which States have agreed to "protect the climate
system for the benefit of present and future generations of humankind, on
the basis of equity and in accordance with their common but differentiated
responsibilities and respective capabilities." The article
goes on to state that this means that "the developed country Parties should
take the lead in combating climate change and the adverse effect
thereof."According to the United States government, this understanding about
obligations is wrong. They point to the fact that while China was an
insignificant contributor of greenhouse gas emissions in 1992, today they
are the largest contributor. But when emissions are calculated on a per
capita basis, the United States and several of its developed allies again
rise significantly past the Chinese. And when the cumulative emissions of
States over the past two hundred years are calculated developing countries
don't even feature on the charts which are exclusively dominated by
developed countries. To treat developed and developing countries the same
would defy the logical of both an individual-based approach as well as
history. It would perpetuate the discrimination that has existed over
decades against the 85% of the people in the world living mainly in
developing countries that has been perpetrated by the 15% living mainly in
developed countries. Such equal treatment of unequals also violates
the international law agreed upon by 194 States who have ratified the
UNFCCC, more than have ratified the Charter of the United Nations. In other
words, by ignoring their legal obligation to take the lead under on
combating climate change developing countries are violating international
law that protects everyone, not just the 15% and in doing so they are
perpetuating a harrowing legacy of discrimination.Despite this clear
indication of discrimination and despite the significant efforts that it has
made to ensure something valuable is accomplished at the COP17, the South
African government has failed to address this root cause of the impasse
between developed and developing countries. Having overcome its own
legacy of discrimination it was well placed to express its concern about the
failure of developed States to abide by their existing legal obligations
which perpetuate a situation of discrimination. Surprisingly, even
the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Ms Navi Pillay, herself a native
of Durban and an avid anti-apartheid activist, and perhaps the person best
placed to explain how discrimination can be overcome by affirmative action,
shied away from coming to COP17. Her timidness might have been attributed to
the vague UN Human Rights Council resolution on climate change adopted by
consensus this past September. During the drafting of the resolution
initiated by the Philippines and Bangladesh, two countries that are already
significantly adversely impacted by climate change, a proposal by Bolivia,
which was widely supported by civil society, to request the High
Commissioner attend the Durban talks was rejected as too radical. Just days
earlier the High Commissioner's Deputy had asked for guidance on the
Office's engagement on climate change. The ambiguous silence by the Human
Rights Council appeared to make the office even more timid about standing up
for the human rights of people affected by climate change. Similarly
despite urging from civil society, the World Health organizations Director
General Dr. Margreet Fung Chan is is standing unopposed for a second five
year term at the helm of the UN's specialized health agency did not thin it
worthwhile to make States aware that tens of millions of Africans could
perish due to the increased health risks brought about by climate change.
She too will not be in Durban, preferring to send a Director three levels
her junior in the WHO and sending a message that the human consequences of
climate change are not front and centre at the negotiations on international
action. Again, it is mainly people in vulnerable social and
economic groups who will suffer from the adverse health effects of climate
change and especially women and young children. Once again discrimination
rears it ugly head due to our inaction on climate change. And once again we
do not appear to be up to the challenge. Even the more precise legal
obligations in the Kyoto Protocol appear to be ridiculed, instead of
respected, by some States. Canada, for example, announced at the opening of
the Durban climate talks that it would not accept a new commitment period
under Kyoto Protocol when the current emissions limits expire at the end of
next year. In doing so the Canadian government seemed obvious to the
apparent obligation to agree to a new commitment article 3, paragraph 9 of
the Kyoto Protocol. This obligation at least requires that States act in
good faith. Canada's action was an unambiguous manifestation of bad faith.
When South African President Jacob Zuma addressed the Informal
Ministerial Consultations on COP17 in September of this year he warned that
the leaders assembling in Durban for COP17 "need to provide leadership
towards the future, not only based on self-interest, but also guided by the
common good." The discrimination that underlies the lack of effective action
on climate change is in the end perhaps the greatest threat to the common
good. *Dr. Curtis FJ Doebbler is an international lawyer,
professor of law at Webster University in Geneva and the Geneva School of
Diplomacy and International relations and President of International-Lawyers.Org.
He can be reached at [email protected].
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